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Louis de Saint-Gelais was born in 1512, the son of François I. He was the half-brother of king Henri II.[1][2]

Had issue:[3]

Out of marriage:[3]

Lanssac possessed the château de La Mothe-Sainte-Héraye. He would play host at this château to the queen mother Catherine and the king of Navarre.[4]

In 1552, Lanssac was serving as the extraordinary French ambassador in Roma.[1]

With a French thrust into Lorraine planned by the king, the French agents and allies in the Italian peninsula met at Chioggia from 15 to 18 July 1552 to (according to Cloulas) plan how to best create a suitable diversion from the main attack. Durot interprets the meeting differently, as reflecting Henri's desire to realise a grand plan of universal domination. The prospect of an invasion of the kingdom of Napoli by an expeditionary force was considered and dismissed. The representatives at Chioggia were cautious, and had failed to secure the backing of Venezia.[5] It was thus rather resolved for there to be a French intervention in the republic of Siena. Siena boasted a strong position well flanked by hill country, had good disembarkation points for naval landings and inhabitants who chafed under their Spanish garrison.[1]

Not long after the meeting at Chioggia, the French bore witness to the population of Siena (buoyed by French money) rise up on 26 July against their Spanish garrison and drive them from the city to cries of 'Francia! Francia!' Lanssac arrived in the city on 30 July with money, expressions of Henri's gratitude and assurances of French support for the uprising of the inhabitants, to a warm reception.[5] A few more days after Lanssac's arrival followed the seigneur de Thermes who assumed the military leadership of Siena.[1] Meanwhile cardinale d'Este was entrusted with acting as lieutenant-general for the French king in Siena.[5] Thermes was to prepare the city for a Spanish counter-stroke, which was surely to follow.[6]

Both the Pope, and the duca di Firenze were unnerved by the French move to assume overlordship of Siena. An Imperial army under the command of the marqués de Villefranca (marquis of Villefranca) started an advance on Siena, and captured villages. When he died in February 1553 he was replaced by his son in the command. The Imperial campaign was supported by the duca di Firenze.[6] While the naturalised French condotierri, Strozzi worked to raise soldiers with money advanced by Henri, Lanssac and cardinal du Bellay attempted to convince the Pope not to back an Imperial invasion.[7]

The Pope had reached an understanding with the duca di Firenze that would see his nephew, Fabiano del Monte carved out a principality from Siennese territory. With pressure being brought to bear by Lanssac and du Bellay the Pope declared his neutrality in the conflict. Under his auspices a conference would be held at Bagnaia in June 1553 to look for a peaceful resolution to the dispute, but none could be found.[7]

On 29 October 1553, Strozzi was selected by Henri as his new representative in Siena and he departed from Marseille in November flush with cash and soldiers. Landing at Porto Ercole on 16 December he hurried to meet with the Pope and discuss affairs with Lanssac. This accomplished he then made his entry into Siena in January 1554.[8]

With the Pope dead, a conclave was to be held to elect his successor. Henri desired the electoral victory of either the archbishop of Cantebury or the archbishop of Napoli. The regular ambassador of the French king in Roma, Avançon was provided 25,000 écus towards this end. Meanwhile the extraordinary ambassador Lanssac was tasked with preventing the selection of the bishop of Gubbio. Despite these ambitions, the bishop of Gubbio would be elected Pope, and take the name Marcellus II.[9] However, fortunately for Henri, Marcellus died only a few weeks into his pontificate, and on 23 May 1555 the archbishop of Napoli was elected as Paul IV.[10]

The new Pope's nephew the cardinale di Carafa proposed to Henri a plan for the French reconquest of Siena. Around Porto Ercole there were many exiles from Firenze, Siena and Napoli. At the French court, the duc de Guise felt it was important to bring the situation under control as soon as possible. Lanssac and Avançon were best placed to do this at this moment due to the difficult situation of the senior French clergy in the Italian peninsula.[11]

Around this time, the gran priore della Lombardia (grand prior of Lombardia) defected from French service to the Imperial cause. In revenge, Henri had his galleys sequestered and placed under the protection of the Pope.[12] The gran priore would not allow this to stand and on 6 August 1555 seized back his ships and brought them into Imperial control.[11] The Pope was furious and ordered the gran priore to return them to him, something the admiral refused to consider. The gran priore's brother, the cardinale di Santa Fiora, alongside the Imperial ambassador spoke before the Pope in his favour. They condemned the Pope's position, and went as far as to threaten the Pontiff. This enraged Paul, who had the cardinale and some other members of the Imperial party arrested. Lanssac and Avançon arrived in the Vatican to offer their solidarity to the Pope and congratulations to his nephew the cardinale di Carafa. They offered Paul, 100,000 écus to aid him in the destruction of his Imperial grandees.[12]

The Pope was charmed by these offers, and urged Henri to show his family the same good favour they had showed the Farnese and Siena. On 30 September, Henri tasked the cardinal de Lorraine with going to Roma to make an alliance with the Holy See. Lanssac meanwhile headed to Venezia to inform its government of Henri's intention to enter into a military alliance with the Papacy.[13]

Henri explained to the Pope in a letter of 23 July that it was necessary before returning to a war footing to be assured of the support of the duca di Ferrara. When, soon after Henri received word that Ferrara had joined the defensive French alliance on the terms negotiated in November 1555, he gave permission on 11 August for maréchal de Strozzi, Avançon and Lanssac to enter into negotiations with Italian bankers for the receipt of loans. Strozzi and the seigneur de Monluc were further given tasks of military preparation to undertake.[14] Meanwhile as reward for his joining of the league, Ferrara was granted 100,000 écus, a pension and an array of soldiers.[15]

The duc de Guise was to be sent to Italia for the coming campaign. Meanwhile, the son of the connétable de Montmorency (constable of Montmorency), the comte de Dammartin was in Roma petitioning the Pope to agree to an annulment of his secretly arranged marriage. Lanssac and de Selve warned the king that the young noble wished to go to Civitavecchia to face off against the Pope's enemies. Indeed, the comte would participate in the Papal recapture of Ostia in January 1557. This would not win him the annulment of his marriage, the college of cardinals ruling unfavourably, and leading to Henri to declare the marriage void by other means so that his illegitimate daughter Diane might marry the comte.[16]

Guise hurried to Reggio in Italia for the meeting with the duca di Ferrara, his father-in-law which transpired from 13 to 16 February. For the conduct of this meeting with the French ally, Guise received the assistance of Lanssac who had come up from Roma with the cardinale di Carafa, and the archbishop of Vienne who had been sent by Henri. The duca di Ferrara hoped to secure from Guise a committment for the conquest of Cremona, by which he could aggrandise his Italian territories. Neither Carafa nor Henri were favourable to this attack which would create hostilities with the duca di Milano. Ferrara made an alternate proposal for an attack against Parma, which was under the dominion of the duca di Parma, and Guise consented to this proposal, promising he would conquer it within 40 days. This proposal ran into strong oppositon from cardinale di Carafa and was abandoned in turn.[17]

In the field, the duc de Guise found himself frustrated by Antonio Carafa (marchese di Montebello) [it] who had been sent to pay his Italian soldiers. Back in Roma, relations deteriorated between the French representatives and with the Pope's nephew cardinale di Carafa in the spring of 1557. De Selve entered dispute with the archbishop of Vienne. Meanwhile Carafa fell out with the exiled Spanish noble, the duque de Soma (duke of Soma) who favoured a quick attack into Napoli, and Lanssac to whose intrigues he attributed the disappearance of his French secretary.[18] Guise waited impatiently for the Pope to provide the legitimation for an invasion of Napoli, by investing the kingdom in the hands of a son of Henri II however Paul prevaricated on taking this step.[19] In late May, Guise received orders from Henri to abandon a campaign against Napoli and turn his attentions to Lombardia and Toscana.[20]

Upon the death of Henri II, François II ascended to the throne, with his government led by the Lorraine-Guise brothers the cardinal de Lorraine and duc de Guise. This new administration were ill-inclined to share their control of the government with the princes du sang (princes of the blood). To ward off the danger of these descendants of the royal line, the conseil privé was expanded to around thirty figures so that they could be drowned out. Among the conseillers would be the clients of the Lorraine-Guise family and the queen mother Catherine: the premier président of the chambre des comptes L'Hôpital (first president of the chamber of accounts), the bishop of Orléans, the archbishop of Vienne, the bishop of Amiens, the bishop of Valence, du Mortier, the diplomat Avançon and the seigneur de Lanssac.[21]

Cloulas argues this conseil was a polite fiction, only meeting once properly during the reign of François II (for the Assembly of Notables in August 1560), while real business was conducted by the Lorraine-Guise administration elsewhere.[21]

In the inductions into the Ordre de Saint-Michel (Order of Saint-Michel) (the highest order of French chivalry) undertaken by the Lorraine-Guise administration on 29 September 1560, eighteen new chevaliers (knights) were created. Many nobles who were close to the Lorraine family received the prestigious honour.[22] In addition to their own men, some elevations were made through consultation with the queen mother Catherine. By this means the seigneur de Sipierre, governor of the king's brothers; Nicolas d'Anjou-Mézières [fr]; and the seigneur de Lanssac who by this point was an intimate advisor to Catherine, were made chevaliers.[23]

As an advisor to Cathine, he played the role of an intermediary between her and the court of the king of Navarre in the hopes that he would accept the title of lieutenant-généraux du royaume.[24]

Catherine dispatched Lanssac to Guyenne in 1561 to see to the defence of the province.[24]

With the outbreak of hostilities between the crown and their Protestant rebels in April 1562, the Pope indicated to Lanssac, who was serving as an envoy, that he would be willing to devote a million écus d'or (gold crowns) to support the royalist-Catholic cause in France. Catherine would instead request of the Papacy that they act as a guarantor for a loan of 200,000 écus. In May the Pope would agree to donate 100,000 écus to the French crown, while a further 100,000 écus would be loaned.[25]

Lanssac would serve as one of the French ambassadors at the Council of Trent. Alongside him would be the seigneur de Pibrac and du Ferrier. They presented their credentials on 26 May 1562. With their arrival they announced their priorities for the council. They were to end the improper use of wealth in the church and see to the clergy engaging in their proper duties.[26] Lanssac attempted to use the familial connection between the member of the French court Louis de Gonzague and his uncle cardinale di Gonzaga who held the presidency of the council of Trent, to gain more accommodations for France.[27]

In the final sessions of the council of Trent, the three diplomats made the queen's policy of religious moderation, and obedience to the peace edict of Amboise clear.[26]

In February 1564, Lanssac took on the role of extraordinary ambassador to España. Returning back to France he frequented the parlement of Toulouse, observing it to be in a state of discord, before moving on to the parlement of Bordeaux. Lanssac reported to the queen in the spring and summer of 1564 as to the tense religious situation in the south-west of France.[24] In a letter of 28 July he informed Catherine that the country was not in the state of tranquillity it needed to be in, with men of different religions inflamed at each other, and inventing false stories of outrages. He further reported that in Carcassonne and particularly Montpellier he had born witness to destroyed churches and houses. While he noted that the garrisons in the area were a great imposition, he counselled they could not be removed until such time as greater harmony was in effect. He made it clear that the continuation of the grand tour was the only tonic to the troubles he witnessed and urged the crown not to be diverted from its progress. Lanssac reported disfavourably on the actions of the parlement of Toulouse as further inflaming affairs.[28] He noted the poor enforcement of the peace edicts prohibition on the bearing of arms, not all men of the church had received the return of their benefices and that in Saintonge and Périgord gentleman take the revenues of the benefices by force.[29]

Catherine was at this time undertaking a grand tour of the kingdom with her son the king, to assure herself of the autonomy of the crown from the influence of the rival factions. This was a 27 month voyage around France. To aid the accomplishment of this, at this time Catherine concentrated more state power in the hands of men whose loyalty to the crown was assured. Among those elevated in this process were Louis de Gonzague, who was established as the duc de Nevers by marriage to the heiress Henriette, the comte de Retz and Lanssac.[30] During the trip, the court arrived at Jarnac, where the Protestant baron de Jarnac was governor. He indicated his support for the edict of Amboise, to the pleasure of Catherine and the king. Lanssac, a friend of Jarnac's was entrusted with seeing to the maintenance of order in the region while the court was staying there. In August 1564 he convened the notables of La Rochelle urging them to uphold the edict of Amboise and suppress disorders in the city. The magistrates of the city were reminded of their obligations to the pacification edict, and he implored both the Protestant and Catholic clergy to avoid incendiary sermons and live in good peace with their neighbours even if they were another religion.[29] Having left Jarnac the court made its way to Saintes, Marennes, Brouage and finally La Rochelle. These visits to places, many of which were dominated by Protestants, were accomplished without incident.[31]

After the battle of Saint-Denis saw the triumph of the royal army over the Protestants, the war continued, but without further major engagements due to the lack of means of both sides. Therefore as early as December, the Protestants reached out to begin negotiations with the crown, sending Téligny to the court with Condé's proposal for peace. Soon thereafter, Coligny's brother cardinal de Châtillon met with the bishop of Orléans and Lanssac at Vincennes to conduct further negotiations. After meeting with them, Châtillon met with several parlementaires, then with the cardinal de Bourbon and Catherine. By mid March a peace deal had been reached. By which the edict of Amboise was restored, affording Protestants limited rights of worship.[32]

The brother of the king, the duc d'Anjou departed from the capital to lead the royal army against the rebels on 4 October 1568.[33]

Though the army was technically under the charge of the prince, Catherine selected the maréchal de Tavannes and Lanssac to jointly command the 'battle' of the army (the main body of soldiers between the vanguard and rearguard). Their shared command proved to be an issue, inducing paralysis in the army.[33]

During these months therefore, the Protestant rebels were able to take the intiative.[33]

In 1573 Lanssac received the prestigious post of chevalier d'honneur to the queen mother Catherine upon the death of the previous holder of the office the duc d'Uzès.[34]

Though Catherine had attempted to grant the office of capitaine des gardes du corps to her client Lanssac on the death of the incumbent holder of the position, Henri was determined to be the authority on such affairs. Thus he placed the baron de Larchant in the post instead of Lanssac.[35]

Starting in March 1580 a quarrel emerged between the duc de Nevers and the duc de Montpensier. Montpensier reported to the king's brother Alençon that Nevers had intended, when he was tasked with subdueing the rebel prince in 1575 to see him killed. Nevers took great offence at this 'slanderous' implication which he indicated he considered to be accussing him of lèse majesté. Montpensier produced a declaration on the matter to which Nevers responded by publishing a denial.[36]

Moving from a war of words, both Montpensier and Nevers looked to mobilise their patronage networks in the dispute. Henri meanwhile hoped to end the dispute which threatened to upset the balance in court and the reconciliation the king was attempting to effect with his brother Alençon. Alençon further inflamed matters by taking Montpensier's side in the dispute.[37]

In May 1580, Henri dispatched his first envoy to entreat with Montpensier. This was followed in September by a temporary restraint on the duc de Nevers who was limited in his movement to his own lands. In December, Lanssac was sent to parlay with the duc de Montpensier by the king, and this was followed in January with the dispatch of the sieur de Rambouillet to Nevers. Nevers was informed of the outcome of Lanssac's dealings with Montpensier by his friend the seigneur de Ruffey.[38] The latter succeeded in drawing from the duc a letter that his earlier writing had not been directed at the duc de Montpensier.[37]

In the settlement reached on 18 April 1581, the king declared that Montpensier had no cause to be offended by the manifesto published by the duc de Nevers as it was not about him, and that likewise Nevers had no cause to be offended by Montpensier's declaration as it did not concern him.[37] The dispute was thus condemned to oblivion.[39]

On 17 January 1585 an agreement was reached between the duc de Guise, Mayenne and other members of the Lorraine-Guise family on the one hand, and the Spanish crown on the other.[40] By this agreement it was declared that the cardinal de Bourbon was the proper successor to Henri for the throne upon his death, and that king Felipe would provide 600,000 écus to the ligueur party in France. In return, Guise promised the eradication of Protestantism, the recognition of the Trentine decrees, the return to the Spanish of French held Cambrai, the termination of the French alliance with the Osmanlı İmparatorluğu (Ottoman Empire), the ending of French naval activity hostile to España and French support against the rebels in Spanish Nederland.[41] Both Lanssac's legitimate and illegitimate son who were well placed in southern France and as well seasoned diplomatically as their father aided in the establishing of the treaty between the ligue and España.[40]

After the duc de Guise and the ligue entered rebellion against the crown in 1585, Catherine undertook negotiations with the errant prince. Struggling to get Guise to declare himself, she engaged other intermediaries in the hopes they would have better luck, among them the sécretaire d'État Pinart and Lanssac. However they reported no more success, claiming that Guise professed to be 'perplexed' himself.[2] Lanssac and Catherine had hopes upon the arrival of the duc de Guise's daughter Renée de Lorraine the abbess of Saint-Pierre that she might be able to impress upon her father the importance of obeying the king.[42]

Meanwhile, Catherine offered a spectacle of illness to Guise.[42] Lanssac reported to a 'principal lady' of the court that her troubles were more mental than physical, as she was frustrated at the failures of her efforts of negotiation.[43]

At the end of 1587, Lanssac was responsible for the conduct of negotiations with the parlement of Paris.[34]

Peace between the ligue and the crown was solemnised with a thanksgiving mass at the cathedral of Notre-Dame on 19 July 1588. Cannons were fired in celebration and bonfires lit. Lanssac was among the many great noble attendees, which included the duc de Guise, duchesse de Montpensier, the cardinal de Bourbon and the royal favourite Villequier. The edict of peace was registered two days later on 21 July.[44]

Pushed towards a resumption of the war against the Protestants in 1588, Henri looked to raise funds to support the campaign from the servants of the crown. By this means 45,000 écus was gained by the crown for the effort between 30 August and 24 December 1588.[45] Lanssac, as a client of Catherine's, leant 3,333 écus to this cause on 26 October.[46]

Lanssac died in 1593.[2]

Sources

  • Babelon, Jean-Pierre (2009). Henri IV. Fayard.
  • Boltanski, Ariane (2006). Les ducs de Nevers et l'État royal: genèse d'un compromis (ca 1550 - ca 1600). Librairie Droz.
  • Boucher, Jacqueline (2012). Lettres de Henri III, Roi de France: Tome VII (21 Mars 1585-31 Décembre 1587). Société de l'Histoire de France.
  • Carpi, Olivia (2012). Les Guerres de Religion (1559-1598): Un Conflit Franco-Français. Ellipses.
  • Chevallier, Pierre (1985). Henri III: Roi Shakespearien. Fayard.
  • Cloulas, Ivan (1979). Catherine de Médicis. Fayard.
  • Cloulas, Ivan (1985). Henri II. Fayard.
  • Durot, Éric (2012). François de Lorraine, duc de Guise entre Dieu et le Roi. Classiques Garnier.
  • Jouanna, Arlette; Le Thiec, Guy; Biloghi, Dominique (1998). "Index des Noms de Personnes". In Jouanna, Arlette; Boucher, Jacqueline; Biloghi, Dominique; Le Thiec, Guy (eds.). Histoire et Dictionnaire des Guerres de Religion.
  • Le Person, Xavier (2002). «Practiques» et «practiqueurs»: la vie politique à la fin du règne de Henri III (1584-1589). Librairie Droz.
  • Le Roux, Nicolas (2006). Un Régicide au nom de Dieu: L'Assassinat d'Henri III. Gallimard.
  • Le Roux, Nicolas (2022). 1559-1629 Les Guerres de Religion. Gallimard.
  • Pernot, Michel (2013). Henri III: Le Roi Décrié. Éditions de Fallois.
  • Shaw, Christine; Mallett, Michael (2019). The Italian Wars 1494-1559: War, State and Society in Early Modern Europe. Routledge.

References

  1. ^ a b c d Cloulas 1985, p. 391.
  2. ^ a b c Le Person 2002, p. 168.
  3. ^ a b c Jouanna, Le Thiec & Biloghi 1998, p. 1499.
  4. ^ Babelon 2009, p. 284.
  5. ^ a b c Durot 2012, p. 304.
  6. ^ a b Cloulas 1985, p. 392.
  7. ^ a b Cloulas 1985, p. 393.
  8. ^ Cloulas 1985, p. 394.
  9. ^ Cloulas 1985, p. 419.
  10. ^ Cloulas 1985, p. 420.
  11. ^ a b Cloulas 1985, p. 424.
  12. ^ a b Cloulas 1985, p. 425.
  13. ^ Cloulas 1985, p. 415.
  14. ^ Durot 2012, p. 349.
  15. ^ Durot 2012, p. 350.
  16. ^ Durot 2012, p. 351.
  17. ^ Durot 2012, p. 355.
  18. ^ Durot 2012, p. 369.
  19. ^ Durot 2012, p. 370.
  20. ^ Shaw & Mallett 2019, p. 268.
  21. ^ a b Cloulas 1979, p. 127.
  22. ^ Durot 2012, p. 480.
  23. ^ Durot 2012, p. 481.
  24. ^ a b c Le Roux 2022, p. 104.
  25. ^ Cloulas 1979, p. 173.
  26. ^ a b Cloulas 1979, p. 186.
  27. ^ Boltanski 2006, p. 38.
  28. ^ Le Roux 2022, p. 105.
  29. ^ a b Le Roux 2022, p. 106.
  30. ^ Boltanski 2006, p. 53.
  31. ^ Cloulas 1979, p. 212.
  32. ^ Le Roux 2022, p. 122.
  33. ^ a b c Pernot 2013, p. 66.
  34. ^ a b Boucher 2012, p. 624.
  35. ^ Chevallier 1985, p. 264.
  36. ^ Boltanski 2006, p. 231.
  37. ^ a b c Boltanski 2006, p. 232.
  38. ^ Boltanski 2006, p. 237.
  39. ^ Boltanski 2006, p. 233.
  40. ^ a b Carpi 2012, p. 418.
  41. ^ Carpi 2012, p. 419.
  42. ^ a b Le Person 2002, p. 173.
  43. ^ Le Person 2002, p. 175.
  44. ^ Le Person 2002, p. 535.
  45. ^ Le Roux 2006, p. 152.
  46. ^ Le Roux 2006, p. 375.
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