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Vaeako-Taumako displays negation in prohibitions (prohibitive, irrealis, imperfective, admonitive), statements (verbal and non verbal) polar questions and noun phrases. Negation morphemes behave similarly to verbs in many respects although they do not take tense-aspect-mood markers or form independent predicates [1]. However there are instances of their taking complement clauses and for this reason negation morphemes might be considered a sub-class of verb. [2]



Prohibition

Prohibitive clauses may be divided into two. Prohibitive auā, (equal to the English 'don’t') and Admonitive na. Prohibitives pattern themselves in similar ways and are most frequently positioned cause initially. Admonitives behave and distribute slightly differently as will be illustrated below.

Negated clauses appear with only a small range of tense-aspect-mood markers. Prohibitive clauses often display no tense-aspect-mood marker at all, if they do, the markers are either na irrealis or me prescriptive. Negated declarative clauses typically occur with either perfective ne or imperfective no, with other options only marginally represented in collected data. [3]



Prohibitive auā

auā appears clause-initially, however discourse particles such as nahilā (’take care, make sure’) may precede it. Other grammatical morphemes such as articles or markers of tense, aspect or mood may not precede it which excludes auā from the verb category of Vaeakao-Taumako. [4]

1.1

auā t-a-u hano
PROH SG. SP-POSS-2G.POSS go. SG

Auā tau hano!

‘Don’t go.’ [5]

However, auā behaves like a verb in that it may take clausal complements, which are then often either nominalised or the irrealis marker na is present (see table 1.1.3). [6] A correlation exists between singular 2nd person subject and a nominalised clause although this correlation is not absolute. [7]

1.1 a

auā ko=no hualonga
PROH 2SG=IPFV make.noise

Auā ko no hualonga!

‘Don’t make noise!’ [8]


Contrasting this, the 2nd person dual or plural subjects attract the irrealis marker na to create a prohibitive clause.

1.1 b

auā kholu=na ō
PROH 2DU=IRR go.PL

Auā kholuna ō!

‘Don’t you (two) go!’ [9]


Within data sets of Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011), as implied by the imperative nature of the morpheme, auā will tend to appear with 2nd person subjects as above, although both 1st and 3rd subjects are also found.


1st Person

1.1 c

tatu noho themu, auā hat=no holongā
1PL.INCL.HORT stay quiet PROH PL.INCL=IPFV make.noise

Tatu noho themu, auā hatno folongā

‘We should all sit still and not be noisy.’ [10]

3rd Person

1.1 d

o ia auā no kute-a mai t-o-ku mata ia a iau auā t-a-ku kut-a ange o-na mata
CONJ 3SG PROH IPFV see-TR come SG.SP-POSS-1SG.POSS eye CONJ PERS 1SG PROH SG.SP-POSS-1SG.POSS see-TR go.along POSS-3SG.POSS eye

O ia auā no kutea mai tuku mata, ia a iau auā taku kuteange ona mata.

‘She is not allowed to look at my face, ‘and I cannot look at her face.’ [11]


Auā is also found in conjunction with modifiers such as ala which marks a hypothetical or oki, ‘back, again’. ([12]


auā-ala

1.1.1

auā ala t-a-u fai-a e anga e tapeo i taha
PROH HYP SG.SP-POSS-2SG POSS do-TR. SG. NSP work GENR bad LDA side


Auā ala tau faia e anga e tapeo i taha

‘You should not do bad things outside.’ [13]



auā - oki

1.1.2

auā oki t-ō hai-a ange oki la mua nei oki la
PROH again SG.SP-2S.POSS do-TR go.along again DM.3 place DEM.1 again DM.3

Auoki tō haiange oki la manei oki la

‘Don’t ever do that anymore here.’ [14]



Irrealis na and Imperfective no

Irrealis na and imperfective no adheres to a common pattern of appearing in 2nd person in dual or plural within prohibitive clause structure.

1.1.3

auā kholu= na
PROH 2DU=IRR go.PL

Auā kholuna  !

‘Don’t you (two) go!’ [15]


Instances of 3rd person are less frequent and tend to include the imperfective no in postposition to morpheme auā.

1.1.3 a

a heinga auā no ite koe
COLL thing PROH IPFV hidden LDA 2SG

A heinga auā no hū ite koe.

‘Nothing shall be hidden from you.’[16]


Admonitive na

na behaves similarly to aluā only in that it is clause initial, it is otherwise classified as a clause initial particle and it must be accompanied by the tense-aspect-mood marker me which acts as a prescriptive.[17]

1.1.4

na me ta-ai te tangata
ADMON PRSC hit-TR SG.SP man

Na me teia te tangara!

‘Don’t kill the man!’[18]


However na also has a second function, it acts to point out the consequences of disobeying the order. In this role the na often appears without me, creating a clause without tense-aspect-mood marking.[19]


1.1.4 a

Meri noho lavoi na me sepe
Mary stay good ADMON PRSC expose.oneself

Meri noho lavoi, na me sepe.

‘Mary, sit properly, do not expose yourself.’[20]


Statements

Verbal Clause Negation

Verbal negation is made up of three morphemes which act independently and may be understood as the English equivalents to siai ‘not’, sikiai ‘not yet’,and hiekh ‘not at all’. [21]

siai ‘not, no’

According to Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) the colloquial pronunciation of siai is hiai, however the standard written form is siai. Siai comes after preverbal arguments but is placed before the tense-aspect-mood particle and following clitic pronoun.

2.1.1

ko ia siai ne longo ange ki a sina na
TOP 3SG NEG PFV listen go.along to PERS mother 3SG.POSS

Ko ia siai ne longo ange ki a sinana.

‘She did not listen to her mother.’[22]

As in the case of auā modifying particles, which are traditionally found after verbs, may appear following siai. An example of this is loa which is an emphatic marker.

For example siai loa.

2.1.1 a

e mae loa te kai ia siai oki ne-i fui-a o-na mata
GNR refuse EMPH SG.SP eat CONJ NEG again PFV-3SG wash-TR POSS-3SG.POSS eye

E mae loa te kai ia siai oki nei fuia ona mata.

'He refused to eat, and he didn’t wash his face either.’ [23]

A further example is the addition of po which generally serves to connect a complement clause.

2.1.1 b

siai po ke ila~ila sika
NEG COMP HORT RED~look straight

Siai po ke ileila sika.

‘She did not feel safe.’[24]


sikiai, hikiai ‘not yet’

sikiai, hikiai (where sikiai is the formal written expression of spoken hikiai) appears in the same formation as above siai except it proceeds the preverbal argument and precedes any tense-aspect-mood markers. It appears less frequently and is often accompanied by the perfective marker ne.[25]

2.1.2

A Osil sikiai ne ala
PERS Åshild not.yet PFV wake

A Osil hikiai ne ala.

‘Åshild is not yet up.’[26]



hiekhī/hiekhiē ‘not at all’

This is the emphatic form of the negator. It follows the same distribution as both sia and sikiai and is often accompanied by the post-nuclear modifier loa.[27]

2.1.3

hiekhī loa ne-i kute-a te ali na
not.at.all EMPH PFV-3SG see-TR SG.SP flatfish DM.2

Hiekhī loa nei kutea te ali na.

‘He couldn’t find the flatfish at all.’ [28]


As with siai hiekhī appears in conjunction with complementiser po, although with lower frequency.[29]

2.1.3 a

a thatou hiekhiē po no kutea i mui thatu=no utu~utu ai na
PERS 1PL.INCL not.at.all COMP IPFV see-TR some place 1PL.INCL=IPFV RED ~draw OBL.PRO DEM.2

A thatou hiekhiē po no kutea i mui thatuno utuutu ai na.

‘We had no idea where to draw water.’[30]

Non-verbal Clause Negation

The same negators are used as in the verbal clauses above.

2.1.4

a Malani na siai e vai ai
then Malani DEM.2 NEG SG.NSP water OBL.PRO

A Malani na siai e vai ai.

‘And Malani, there was no water there.’[31]


Questions

Polar Questions

Polar questions are commonly formed in three ways. A declarative clause with a rise in intonation to mark the interrogative which requires the binary, ‘yes’ or ‘no’ response, much as they are in English may be used. The second alternative is the addition of the verbal negator (o) siai ‘(or) not’ and the third is the addition of verbal negator sikiai (not yet) if the the interrogative has a temporal element.[32]

Simple interrogative formed with declarative clause:

3.1

tha=ka ō mua?
1DU.INCL=FUT go.PL just

Thaka ō mua?

‘Shall we go?’[33]

3.1 a

(o) siai

E ai mua etai ne au o sai
GNR exist just person PFV come CONJ NEG

E ai mua etai ne au o siai? (NUP)

‘Has anyone come here?’ [34]

3.1 b

sikiai

a hina-na ko-i taku-a ange po ke hano mua oi kute-a mua a thaupē po ka lanu o sikiai
PERS mother-3SG.POSS INCP-3SG say-TR go.along COMP HORT go.SG just CONJ see-TR just PERS lagoon COMP FUT rise CONJ not.yet

A hinana koi takuange po ke hano moa oi kutea moa a haupƝ po ko lanu e hikiai?

‘His mother told him to go and see if the tide was rising yet.’[35]


Noun Phrase Negation

Negated Existence

Non-specific article e can be used to express 'negated existence' unless the noun has a possessive marker in which case e is absent. [36]

3.1.1

siai loa e mahila k=u kapakapa ai i hale
NEG EMPH SG.NSP knife HORT=1SG work OBL.PRO LDA house

Hiai loa e mahila ku kapakapai i hale.

‘There is no knife for me to use in the house.’ [37]

  1. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011). A grammar of Vaeakau-Taumako. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.p.397
  2. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.385
  3. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.386
  4. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.386
  5. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.386
  6. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.386
  7. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.387
  8. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.388
  9. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.388
  10. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.387
  11. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.387
  12. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.386
  13. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.386
  14. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.387
  15. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.388
  16. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.388
  17. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.389
  18. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.389
  19. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.390
  20. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.390
  21. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.390
  22. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.391
  23. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.392
  24. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.393
  25. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.394
  26. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.394
  27. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.395
  28. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.395
  29. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.395
  30. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.395
  31. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.396
  32. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.398
  33. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.398
  34. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.399
  35. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.398
  36. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.166
  37. ^ Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) p.167